Community Policing:

Areas of Practice, a Deep Dive

Preamble:

Welcome to Chicago Together We Can: Community Policing

At Chicago Together We Can, we are dedicated to the revival of community policing and fostering strong relationships between the police and the public. Our mission is to create a safer and more inclusive Chicago by promoting organizational strategies, partnerships, and problem-solving techniques that address the immediate conditions leading to crime, social disorder, and fear of crime.

In our journey to make a better tomorrow, we explore the history of community policing, its challenges, and its effectiveness in improving police-community relations. We also discuss the lessons learned from evaluations and the future prospects for community policing.

We invite you to join us in making community policing a lifestyle, engaging every day to make our neighborhoods safer and better places to live. Together, we can create a better Chicago. #ChicagoTogetherWeCan.

A number of main points will emerge from this essay:

  • The vague nature of community policing has been both a blessing and a curse, creating a large tent for advocates and believers to gather within, but also making it a challenge to implement and evaluate.

  • Community policing arose primarily in response to concerns about deteriorated police-community relations, and the available evidence indicates that it has generally succeeded in improving the public’s opinion of the police.

  • There has been a strong impetus for forty+ years to incorporate robust problem solving within community policing; while not always successful, this strategic integration continues to represent the best opportunity for community policing to add crime-reduction effectiveness to its report card.

  • One thing we know is that if you make this work a lifestyle, engaging everyday to make your community a better place to live, we will realize of a better Chicago because #ChicagoTogetherWeCan.

Why Community Policing?

  • In the past it was shown that shortcoming of the professional model of policing was lack of police-community relations. In the 1950s, concerns arose about police being isolated and distant from the public. The initial responses to this problem were public relations initiatives and then police-community relations programs. As these responses gradually became more genuine and substantive, they evolved toward what is now called community policing.

  • A significant component of police-community relations in many jurisdictions is intertwined with race relations as racial profiling became such a difficult and controversial professional, legal, and political issue. As police have sought to shed an image of an occupying army to help narrow the divide separating them from vulnerable populations.

  • It was found that foot patrol made the public feel safer and improved the public’s attitudes toward the police. Although widespread adoption of foot patrol was not viable for most police agencies, many jurisdictions implemented bicycle patrol, police substations, and other techniques aimed at making police officers more accessible. It also became more common to instruct police officers to get out of their patrol cars as often as possible, in order to interact with the public on a more frequent basis.

  • The “broken windows” thesis postulates that when police pay attention to minor crime and incivilities, neighborhood residents notice and are reassured about the safety of their neighborhoods and the dependability of their police.

  • In the 1990s community policing might have hit a plateau had community policing stopped at the “Officer Friendly” stage and had limited impact, however, problem solving got incorporated into community policing at just the right time, providing something substantive for Officer Friendly to do beyond just enforcing the law with a smile.

  • Beginning in the 1960s, U.S. police departments started hiring more college-educated officers, women, and minorities creating a diverse work force. At the same time internal human relations approaches to officer management was becoming more popular giving higher priority to improved human relations within the police organization melded with putting more emphasis on improved relations between the police and the community. This “organizational transformation” is often cited today as an essential ingredient of community policing.

  • From civil rights groups, civil liberties groups, academics, community policing became a key feature of the progressive agenda for police reform. Those who were dissatisfied with police and wanted them to change often focused on reducing police abuses of authority and improving the quality of police-citizen encounters. With its emphasis on improving police-community relations, community policing fit this agenda nicely.

  • For most of the twentieth century, it was smart politics to emphasize tough-on-crime measures and stand firmly in favor of law and order. Somehow, in the 1990s, Bill Clinton managed to campaign on community policing with a pledge to hire 100,000 police. It is a toosup over who decided that community policing should be the new policing strategy in their cities and towns, mayors or police chiefs.

  • By the year 2000, over 50 percent of U.S. police departments serving populations of 100,000+ had formal, written community policing plans, and over 90 percent of U.S. police officers worked for departments that had at least an informal community policing plan, if not a written one

  • Community policing is now widely recommended as the best model for curbing police abuses and restoring police-public relations.

  • Community policing is popular with the public and seems to make people feel safer.

In this first section, I hope we were able to open your eyes up to some of the historical backdrop in the landscape of community policing.

Make this work a lifestyle, engaging everyday to make your community a better place to live, we will realize of a better Chicago because… #ChicagoTogetherWeCan.

Community policing is a philosophy that promotes organizational strategies, which support the systematic use of partnerships and problem-solving techniques, to proactively address the immediate conditions that give rise to public safety issues such as crime, social disorder, and fear of crime.

Four Tenets:

  • The Philosophical Dimension

  • The Strategic Dimension

  • The Tactical Dimension

  • The Organizational Dimension

Tenets of Community Policing contain the following four (4) dimensions outlined below:

A) The Philosophical Dimension

  • This requires firm commitment to the value and necessity of citizen input to police policies and priorities. Citizens are supposed to have a say in how they are governed. Law enforcement agencies are most likely to obtain the citizen support and cooperation they need when they display interest in input from citizens. A few of the techniques utilized to enhance citizen input include advisory boards, community surveys, community meetings, and radio/television call-in shows.

  • The job of police officers is seen as working with residents to enhance neighborhood safety. Policing is inherently a multi-faceted government function and arbitrarily narrowing it to just call-handling and law enforcement reduces its effectiveness in accomplishing the multiple objectives that the public expects police to achieve. Some examples of the broad function of policing include traffic safety education, drug abuse prevention, search and rescue, and protecting “the lives of those who are most vulnerable—juveniles, the elderly, minorities, the poor, the disabled, the homeless”.

  • Community policing emphasizes personal service to the public, this is designed to overcome one of the most common complaints that the public has about government employees, including police officers—that they do not seem to care, and that they treat citizens as numbers, not real people. But whenever possible, officers should deal with citizens in a friendly, open, and personal manner designed to turn them into satisfied customers. This can best be accomplished by eliminating bureaucratic barriers, so that citizens can deal directly with “their” officer. A few of the methods that have been adopted in order to implement personalized service are customer relations training, officer business cards, and victim/complainant re-contact procedures. Modern technologies including cell phones, e-mail, and social media have opened up new methods by which police agencies can deliver services to people and by which community residents can contact “their” police officer directly.

B) The Strategic Dimension

This area relates to specific programs and practices that assure agency policies, priorities, and resource allocation are consistent with the community policing philosophy. Three important strategic elements are re-oriented operations, prevention emphasis, and geographic focus.

  • Community policing recommends re-oriented operations, with less reliance on the patrol car and more emphasis on face-to-face interactions, foot patrol, bicycle patrol, directed patrol, differential responses to calls for service, and case screening for more targeted investigations rather than responding to crime only after it occurs. Current initiatives associated with hot spots policing, intelligence-led policing, smart policing, and predictive policing also fit into this category. Community policing encourages agencies to proactively develop solutions to the immediate underlying conditions.

  • Community policing tries to implement a prevention emphasis, based on the common sense idea that although citizens appreciate and value rapid response, reactive investigations, and apprehension of wrongdoers, they would always prefer that their victimizations be prevented in the first place. Most modern police departments devote some resources to crime prevention, this can look like a special unit taskforce. Community policing attempts to go farther by emphasizing that prevention is a big part of every officer’s job. crime prevention through environmental design, youth-oriented prevention, and a variety of programs involving schools, communities, landlords, and businesses.

  • Community policing adopts a geographic focus to establish stronger bonds between officers and neighborhoods in order to increase mutual recognition, identification, responsibility, and accountability in furtherance of strengthening social organization and collective efficacy in neighborhoods. Some of the methods by which community policing attempts to emphasize geography are permanent beat assignments, lead officers, beat teams, mini-stations, and area commanders.

C) The Tactical Dimension

The tactical dimension of community policing ultimately translates ideas, philosophies, and strategies into concrete programs, tactics, and behaviors. Three of the most important tactical elements of community policing are positive interaction, partnerships, and problem solving.

  • Policing inevitably involves some negative contacts between officers and citizens (arrests, tickets, stops for suspicion, orders to desist, inability to make things much better for victims, et cetera). Community policing recognizes this fact and recommends that officers offset it as much as they can by engaging in positive interactions whenever possible. Positive interactions have several benefits, of course: they generally build familiarity, trust and confidence on both sides; they remind officers that most citizens respect and support them; they make the officer more knowledgeable about people and conditions in the beat; they provide specific information for criminal investigations and problem solving; and they break up the monotony of motorized patrol. Some methods for engaging in positive interaction include attending community meetings, taking policing into schools, malls, and other settings where the public congregates, and simply shifting the emphasis of patrol from watching and waiting more toward interacting.

  • Community policing stresses the importance of active partnerships between police, other agencies, and citizens, in which all parties really work together to identify and solve problems. Citizens can take a greater role in public safety than has been typical over the past few decades, and other public and private agencies can leverage their own resources and authority toward the solution of public safety problems. Obviously, there are some legal and safety limitations on how extensive a role citizens can play in “co-producing” public safety. Just as obviously, it is a mistake for the police to try to assume the entire burden for controlling crime and disorder. Partnerships can take many forms including block watch groups, citizen police academies, police-school initiatives, landlord associations, code enforcement liaison, and even citizen patrols.

  • Community policing urges the adoption of a problem-solving orientation toward policing. Officers should search for the underlying conditions that give rise to single and multiple incidents. When such conditions are identified, officers should try to affect them as a means of controlling and preventing future incidents. Basically, police officers should strive to have more substantive and meaningful impact. Typical ingredients of problem solving include the SARA process, the crime triangle, a commitment to carefully analyzing specific crime and disorder problems, and a bias toward sharing the responsibility for problem solving with the community and with other public and private institutions.

D) The Organizational Dimension

It is important to recognize an organizational dimension that surrounds community policing and greatly affects its implementation. In order to support and facilitate community policing, police departments often consider a variety of changes in organization, administration, supervision, other internal systems, and the behavior of work groups and individuals. Three important organizational elements of community policing are:

  1. Structure

  2. Management

  3. Information

  • Community policing looks at various ways of restructuring police agencies in order to facilitate and support philosophical, strategic, and tactical elements. Any organization’s structure should correspond with its mission and its technology (to transform inputs into outputs and outcomes). Some aspects of traditional police organization structure seem more suited to routine bureaucratic work whereas community policing requires discretion and creativity. The types of restructuring associated with community policing include decentralization, flattening of the hierarchy, de-specialization, teams, and civilianization.

  • Community policing is often associated with styles of leadership, management, and supervision that give more emphasis to organizational culture and values and less emphasis to written rules and formal discipline. The general argument is that when employees are guided by a set of officially sanctioned values they will usually make good decisions and take appropriate actions. Although many formal rules will still be necessary, managers might need to resort to them much less often in order to maintain control over subordinates. Management practices consistent with this emphasis on organizational culture and values include mission and value statements, strategic planning, mentoring and coaching, and positive discipline. More emphasis is put on empowering officers and taking full advantage of their talents and creativity, rather than on trying to tightly control them in order to avoid misbehavior.

  • Doing community policing and managing it effectively requires certain types of information that have not traditionally been available in all police departments. In the never-ending quality versus quantity debate, for example, community policing tends to emphasize quality. This emphasis on quality shows up in many areas: avoidance of traditional bean-counting (e.g., arrests, tickets) to measure success, more concern for how well calls are handled versus merely how quickly they are handled, et cetera. Also, the geographic focus of community policing increases the need for detailed information based on neighborhoods as the unit of analysis.

Implementing Community Policing

Evaluating Community Policing

Different law enforcement agencies have emphasized different elements of community policing. Also, some agencies have implemented community policing as a specialized activity performed by designated officers or assigned to a stand-alone unit, while other agencies have taken the generalist approach and attempted organization-wide implementation.

One of the difficulties of implementing community policing focuses on organizational resistance. Entrenched bureaucratic interests were often cited as key obstacles, or police culture that resists engaging with the community and emphasizing prevention and positive interaction over traditional reactive policing.

Studies have sought to measure the adoption of specific community policing programs to measure the intensity of implementation or are efforts just window dressing? it can be stated that 50 percent of police agencies in 1997 sponsored landlord/property manager training programs and 16 percent of agencies in 2007 reported administering citizen surveys, but how often the landlord training programs were conducted, or whether the results of the citizen surveys were actually taken seriously as input to police decision making, is unknown.

A lot of community policing efforts have been implemented over the years, a 2002 survey found in 16 different community policing activities that at least 75 percent of responding agencies reported having implemented, including police-community meetings, neighborhood watch, citizen police academies, and permanent beat assignments. For 36 out of 56 total activities covered by that survey, the proportion of agencies reporting implementation was higher in 2002 than in prior years, indicating an upward trajectory of implementation. As of 2007, over 50 percent of police agencies used regularly scheduled foot patrol, one-third used bicycle patrol, about 80 percent of new recruits received some community policing training, and about 47,000 local police officers were specifically assigned to community policing activities.

Another survey found that less than 25 percent of agencies had adopted some of the more robust features of community policing, such as giving citizens a role in selecting and evaluating police officers and reviewing complaints against the police, indicating a reluctance to engage in real power sharing with the community. Studies of the actual behavior of community policing officers found that they spent relatively little time interacting with citizens. A study focused on problem solving by non-specialist patrol officers found problem solving that was often more thoughtful, collaborative, and imaginative than traditional enforcement or call handling, but smaller in scope, less analytical, and less creative than the kinds of efforts usually held up as ideal examples of problem-oriented policing. Another observation about community policing in practice is that it has usually been police-centered, with minimal success in truly engaging the community and little evidence of real police-citizen co-production of public safety. Moreover, when the community does become engaged, it is frequently not the entire community, but segments of it. Consequently, police working with engaged community members run the risk of helping them achieve their desired ends at the expense of other, less-engaged community members, or getting caught in the middle of competing community groups.

Conclusion

The emphasis on problem solving highlights the need for information systems that aid in identifying and analyzing a variety of community-level problems. There is a greater need for timely crime analysis and problem analysis enhanced with geographic information systems (GIS). commanders need better information in order to function in a CompStat environment. Compstat emphasizes information-sharing, responsibility and account- ability, and improving effectiveness. It includes four generally recognized core components: (1) Timely and accurate information or intelligence; (2) Rapid deployment of resources; (3) Effective tactics; and (4) Relentless follow-up.). Executives need information from community in the form of customer feedback surveys to augment other sources of information about agency performance.

At least five complicating factors have made it extremely difficult to determine the effectiveness of community policing. One is programmatic complexity. Community policing is a flexible and loose concept. Police agencies have implemented a wide array of operational and organizational innovations under its banner. Because community policing is not one consistent “thing,” it is difficult to say whether “it” works.

Another complication is that community policing in practice has varied widely in program scope. In different places, community policing has been implemented as a single-officer project, as a special-unit program, and as an organization-wide strategy. Some of the most positive results have come from projects that involved just a few specialist officers, a small special unit, and/or a narrowly defined target area. The generalizability of these results to full-scale department-wide and community-wide implementation is open to debate.

A third challenge for community policing evaluations is that the strategy has, or might have, multiple effects. The number of intended and unintended effects that might accrue to community policing is considerable. Community policing might affect crime, disorder, fear of crime, police-community relations, police officer attitudes, police use of force, or a host of other conditions that matter. This multiplicity of potential effects complicates any evaluation and reduces the likelihood of concluding with a simple yes or no answer to the bottom-line question, “Does community policing work?”

A fourth complication is that police executives and researchers have rarely been able to utilize experimental or strong quasi-experimental designs in their studies of community policing effectiveness. Rather, despite good intentions and significant effort, most community policing evaluations have employed case studies and similarly weak research designs. Limitations have included lack of control groups, lack of randomization, and a tendency to measure only short-term effects. Consequently, the findings of many community policing studies have not had as much scientific credibility as would be desired.

Finally, evaluations of community policing have not been able to control for other major concurrent changes going on within policing and the larger society. During the same time period over which community policing was implemented in many U.S. police agencies, several other big changes occurred, making it a challenge to tease out the specific effects of community policing. Within police departments, for example, additional officers were hired (including the 100,000 “Clinton cops”), technology exploded, CompStat was widely adopted, and the workforce became more diverse. In the larger criminal justice arena, incarceration rates increased substantially, and the crack cocaine epidemic came and went. From the mid-1990s onward, crime rates declined substantially, fueling a huge but unresolved debate over whether policing, incarceration, economics, demographics, or something else deserves the largest share of the crime control credit.

Most of the evaluations of community policing have been case studies, which sometimes have strong internal validity but rarely have much external validity. Following the early foot patrol studies in Newark and Flint (Police Foundation 1981; Trojanowicz 1982), community policing studies in Baltimore County, Madison, and Chicago, among other places, documented pretty clear-cut positive effects on fear of crime, public perceptions of crime, public attitudes toward the police, and even police officer attitudes. However, case studies in Houston, Newark, New York, and other cities produced mixed results, as well as evidence of implementation challenges. Case studies of hundreds of examples of problem-oriented policing consistently cite positive impacts on crime, disorder, and other specific types of problems.

Community policing is given a “+” for three of the criteria: reducing fear, ensuring civility in public spaces, and satisfying the public. The consensus that community policing usually has positive effects on fear of crime as well as the public’s perceptions of crime and policing, but unproven effects on the actual incidence of crime. Meta-analyses have concluded that some specific components of community policing, such as neighborhood watch, problem-solving, and directed/hot spots patrolling do lead to crime reductions. The prevailing interpretation is that targeted policing initiatives are more likely to cause crime and disorder reductions than broad, diffuse strategic interventions such as full-fledged community policing. This is reflected in the new Crime Solutions database that gives “effective” and “promising” ratings to quite a few specific crime prevention and law enforcement techniques but does not offer an overall assessment of community policing.

Reactive policing is given a positive mark for using financial resources fairly, efficiently, and effectively primarily on the basis of efficiency, because it can serve as a leaner, back-to-basics approach, especially in times of financial constraint. Also, an argument can be made that a reactive strategy uses resources most fairly, as it allocates them upon request from citizens, including victims.

In addition to the reducing crime criterion, neither community policing nor reactive policing is given a positive advantage for calling offenders to account (crime solving) or using force and authority fairly, efficiently, and effectively. In regard to crime solving, there is evidence that when people view the law and law enforcement as fair, they are more likely to cooperate with investigations and prosecutions. With respect to police use of force, there is some reason to think that community policing could deserve a plus, since officers who are engaged with the community and knowledgeable about specific community residents might be expected to make better decisions and be more successful in gaining voluntary compliance from the public. However, it could also be true that an emphasis on reducing incivilities and disorder (i.e., broken windows policing) might lead to more confrontational encounters with the public and, overall, a more intrusive brand of policing. The evidence on whether community policing systematically leads to more positive or more negative outcomes related to the use of force and authority is inconclusive at this point.

Overall, one is tempted to conclude that police in the United States over the past twenty to thirty years have about half-implemented community policing, and it has about half-worked. In the annals of organizational change and government programs, that is pretty respectable. It is possible that, with more thorough and committed implementation, community policing would have even more beneficial outcomes. Alternatively, it is possible that community policing has “maxed out” in its potential to improve police performance.

Further practical experience and better evaluations should help sort these questions out in the years to come. A revitalized community policing research agenda could include several different components: (1) more careful analysis of contemporary police culture in multiple agencies to test the common assumption that police officers are inherently predisposed to resist doing community policing; (2) more careful measurement of actual community policing implementation at the individual, group, and organizational levels in order to provide a much firmer grasp on how much or how little community policing is really being done; (3) longer-term studies to help determine whether the benefits of community policing increase, stabilize, or decline over time; (4) outcome evaluations using more rigorous designs and more systematic criteria in order to build up the scientific evidence base regarding the effects of community policing; and (5) analysis of the impact of the newest modalities of community policing, such as social media. On this last point, one has to assume that as social relations and social networks change, what works for the police to engage the public, reassure them, and enhance police legitimacy is likely to change as well.


When community policing incorporates a strong broken windows orientation, then it also gets good marks for reducing disorder and incivilities, thus making public spaces safer and more orderly. However, as discussed, the challenge in this respect is to address minor crime and disorder without incurring negative consequences on using force and authority fairly, which in turn is liable to damage public satisfaction and police legitimacy.

This is a tough one to crack:

Problem-oriented policing and problem solving would seem to represent the most effective methods by which community policing might overcome these side effects of "broken windows" policing, and also by which it might raise its grades on reducing serious crime. On the first issue, if police officers take a problem-solving approach to addressing disorder and incivilities, rather than a zero-tolerance enforcement approach, they are less likely to make as many unnecessary stops and as many arrests for minor offenses. The key, and this is entirely consistent with broken windows policing, is that officers must identify and take action against disorder and minor crime, including the immediate conditions that encourage them. But taking action need not be limited to enforcement—actions should be more preventive, substantive, collaborative, and creative whenever possible. The public should still see their police addressing disorder and incivilities, but police methods should go well beyond the easy, simplistic, and possibly counter-productive zero-tolerance enforcement campaigns that have sometimes been associated with broken windows policing in practice.

Problem-oriented policing has attained a degree of scientific recognition for reducing crime that has eluded community policing. it would seem incumbent on the architects and implementers of community policing to pursue a stronger emphasis on that problem solving component, in order to improve community policing’s standing, this was proposed over twenty years ago.

The continuing challenge is to move the actual practice of community policing from a minimalist adoption of problem solving toward a more complete implementation of problem-oriented policing. Efforts in this regard have been underway for many years now, with impressive resources available from the Center for Problem-Oriented Policing, but systematic in-depth implementation results have been mixed.

Here are a couple of inter-related threats that loom on the horizon:

1) A big one is the economy. It takes time, and therefore resources, for police officers to actively engage the community, develop partnerships, deliver personal services, and carry out creative problem-solving. In today’s financial circumstances, it is common to label community policing the Cadillac (or Lexus) approach, and to conclude that we just cannot afford it anymore but what are the alternatives?

2) There is politics and the tendency of elected officials, and candidates for elected office, to emphasize tough-on-crime, law-and-order agendas runs deep. Politics can change quickly, and in a few years witness yet another war on crime, drugs, or terrorism. Whenever these wars are declared, it is usually a boon for hard-nosed enforcement-oriented policing and not community policing.

What is Community Policing?